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Artikel über Kroatisch-Slowenische Grenzstreitigkeiten

Erstellt von Livnjak, 25.03.2009, 19:55 Uhr · 36 Antworten · 2.575 Aufrufe

  1. #1
    Avatar von Livnjak

    Registriert seit
    12.03.2009
    Beiträge
    558

    Artikel über Kroatisch-Slowenische Grenzstreitigkeiten

    OBREZJE, Slovenia — Customers at Kalin, a rustic, 180-year-old tavern, can eat roast pork dinners here in Slovenia, step a few yards across the room to Croatia to use the bathroom, saunter back to Slovenia to pay the bill and end their meal on Croatian soil over a game of billiards and a shot of local pear brandy.
    They can do so because of the vagaries of history and an accident of geography. To prevent any confusion, Sasha Kalin, the tavern’s 36-year-old owner, has painted a fluorescent-yellow line across the floor to delineate the very spot, next to a pool table, where the border between Slovenia and Croatia bisects the property.

    Tipsy customers who step outside and accidentally walk through a row of plants in concrete pots demarcating the border are stopped by unsmiling and armed Croatian border guards.

    “This is the Balkans, so every little piece of land counts,” said Mr. Kalin, whose father is a Slovene and whose mother is a Croat, and who woke up one day in May 2004 to find that the Slovenian half of his restaurant was in the European Union and the Croatian half was not.

    Where Slovenia ends and Croatia begins might appear to be an arcane regional concern. But it has suddenly taken on geopolitical significance, with a border dispute dating to the collapse of Yugoslavia in the 1990s now threatening to stall the eastward push of the European Union and NATO.

    The conflict involves a sea border the length of several football fields and a handful of tiny villages in the northern Istrian Peninsula. While hard to untangle for the uninitiated, it is deadly serious for proud Slovenes and Croats in a region long plagued by bloody conflicts over land.

    At issue are rival claims to an area in the Bay of Piran that includes about eight square miles of the Adriatic Sea. Croatia wants the border drawn down the middle of the bay, but Slovenia objects, saying that a simple division of the bay would impede its ships from direct passage to the high seas.

    Paradoxically, although the region was embroiled in wars in the 1990s, Slovenia and Croatia, both parts of the former Yugoslavia, have never fought a war with each other. While they have distinct languages, the two were part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire and share a Roman Catholic religious identity.

    Yet a rivalry persists. Slovenes, who pride themselves on their Central European work ethic, depict Croats as lawless, lazy and excessively nationalistic. Croats, in turn, make fun of Slovenes as haughty and humorless. They also mock Slovenia for its tiny size.

    Slovenia was the first former Yugoslav nation to join the European Union, in 2004, and it was the first formerly Communist country to adopt the euro. Croatia is eager to join the European Union, but Slovenia moved in December to stall Croatia’s bid.

    Unless the stalemate is broken in the next few weeks, Croatia is unlikely to complete membership talks by the end of the year, throwing into doubt the future of the union’s expansion in the western Balkans.

    The disagreement also threatens to derail an element of NATO’s 60th-anniversary celebrations next month in Strasbourg, France, when Croatia and Albania are expected to be admitted to the alliance.

    While the government of Slovenia insists that it supports Croatia’s NATO accession, the Party of the Slovenian Nation, a nationalist group, is racing to gather the 40,000 signatures necessary to force a referendum on Croatia’s NATO bid. If a referendum takes place and voters say no, Slovenia’s government could be forced to block Croatia’s entry.

    “Slovenia is misusing its position as a member of the E.U. and thinks it can blackmail us,” Tomislav Jakic, a foreign policy adviser to President Stjepan Mesic of Croatia, said in an interview. “But our bottom line is that we are not ready to pay for our accession to the E.U. with our territory.”

    Mr. Jakic said the free passage of Slovene ships through Croatian water was assured under international law, contending that this rendered Slovenia’s claims meaningless.

    Iztok Mirosic, the coordinator for Croatia at the Slovenian Foreign Ministry, said, however, that Slovenia had always had “direct contact” with the high seas while it was part of Yugoslavia, and that retaining this right was a matter of principle.

    Moreover, he said, Croatia, and not Slovenia, initially linked the border dispute to entry talks.

    “’We don’t want to block Croatia from joining the E.U.,” he said, “but we will have to unless we can reach a compromise.”

    Borut Grgic, founder of the Institute for Strategic Studies in Ljubljana, the capital of Slovenia, argued that both sides were exploiting the squabble to help forge national identity in their young countries, but he warned that it could create a dangerous precedent.

    “Slovenia is now making things difficult for Croatia,” he said. “Then if Croatia joins, it will make things difficult for Serbia, and then Serbia will block Kosovo. As a result of this dispute, the whole region can take a step back.”

    Here in Obrezje, Slovenia, and across the room in Bregana, Croatia, the battle over land has fanned strong emotions. When Yugoslavia was dissolved in 1991, a border was erected along a meandering stream, formalizing the division between the towns.

    Today, some Croats still dine at Kalin, but Mr. Kalin lamented that freshly resurgent nationalism was keeping many people away — along with the nuisance of having to show their passports every time they crossed the border.

    On a rainy afternoon, two bored border guards from Slovenia sat outside the restaurant. They could smell the roast pork inside but dared not enter.

    “We never go to eat there,” said one, declining to give his name. “If we did, we might accidentally step onto Croatian territory and cause an international incident.”

    An earlier version of this article misspelled the surname of the reporter.

    Eugene Brcic contributed reporting from Zagreb, Croatia.


    Quelle: New York Times 23.03.2009

  2. #2
    Avatar von Triglav

    Registriert seit
    19.05.2005
    Beiträge
    3.849
    Zitat Zitat von Livnjak Beitrag anzeigen
    OBREZJE, Slovenia — Customers at Kalin, a rustic, 180-year-old tavern, can eat roast pork dinners here in Slovenia, step a few yards across the room to Croatia to use the bathroom, saunter back to Slovenia to pay the bill and end their meal on Croatian soil over a game of billiards and a shot of local pear brandy.
    They can do so because of the vagaries of history and an accident of geography. To prevent any confusion, Sasha Kalin, the tavern’s 36-year-old owner, has painted a fluorescent-yellow line across the floor to delineate the very spot, next to a pool table, where the border between Slovenia and Croatia bisects the property.

    Tipsy customers who step outside and accidentally walk through a row of plants in concrete pots demarcating the border are stopped by unsmiling and armed Croatian border guards.

    “This is the Balkans, so every little piece of land counts,” said Mr. Kalin, whose father is a Slovene and whose mother is a Croat, and who woke up one day in May 2004 to find that the Slovenian half of his restaurant was in the European Union and the Croatian half was not.

    Where Slovenia ends and Croatia begins might appear to be an arcane regional concern. But it has suddenly taken on geopolitical significance, with a border dispute dating to the collapse of Yugoslavia in the 1990s now threatening to stall the eastward push of the European Union and NATO.

    The conflict involves a sea border the length of several football fields and a handful of tiny villages in the northern Istrian Peninsula. While hard to untangle for the uninitiated, it is deadly serious for proud Slovenes and Croats in a region long plagued by bloody conflicts over land.

    At issue are rival claims to an area in the Bay of Piran that includes about eight square miles of the Adriatic Sea. Croatia wants the border drawn down the middle of the bay, but Slovenia objects, saying that a simple division of the bay would impede its ships from direct passage to the high seas.

    Paradoxically, although the region was embroiled in wars in the 1990s, Slovenia and Croatia, both parts of the former Yugoslavia, have never fought a war with each other. While they have distinct languages, the two were part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire and share a Roman Catholic religious identity.

    Yet a rivalry persists. Slovenes, who pride themselves on their Central European work ethic, depict Croats as lawless, lazy and excessively nationalistic. Croats, in turn, make fun of Slovenes as haughty and humorless. They also mock Slovenia for its tiny size.

    Slovenia was the first former Yugoslav nation to join the European Union, in 2004, and it was the first formerly Communist country to adopt the euro. Croatia is eager to join the European Union, but Slovenia moved in December to stall Croatia’s bid.

    Unless the stalemate is broken in the next few weeks, Croatia is unlikely to complete membership talks by the end of the year, throwing into doubt the future of the union’s expansion in the western Balkans.

    The disagreement also threatens to derail an element of NATO’s 60th-anniversary celebrations next month in Strasbourg, France, when Croatia and Albania are expected to be admitted to the alliance.

    While the government of Slovenia insists that it supports Croatia’s NATO accession, the Party of the Slovenian Nation, a nationalist group, is racing to gather the 40,000 signatures necessary to force a referendum on Croatia’s NATO bid. If a referendum takes place and voters say no, Slovenia’s government could be forced to block Croatia’s entry.

    “Slovenia is misusing its position as a member of the E.U. and thinks it can blackmail us,” Tomislav Jakic, a foreign policy adviser to President Stjepan Mesic of Croatia, said in an interview. “But our bottom line is that we are not ready to pay for our accession to the E.U. with our territory.”

    Mr. Jakic said the free passage of Slovene ships through Croatian water was assured under international law, contending that this rendered Slovenia’s claims meaningless.

    Iztok Mirosic, the coordinator for Croatia at the Slovenian Foreign Ministry, said, however, that Slovenia had always had “direct contact” with the high seas while it was part of Yugoslavia, and that retaining this right was a matter of principle.

    Moreover, he said, Croatia, and not Slovenia, initially linked the border dispute to entry talks.

    “’We don’t want to block Croatia from joining the E.U.,” he said, “but we will have to unless we can reach a compromise.”

    Borut Grgic, founder of the Institute for Strategic Studies in Ljubljana, the capital of Slovenia, argued that both sides were exploiting the squabble to help forge national identity in their young countries, but he warned that it could create a dangerous precedent.

    “Slovenia is now making things difficult for Croatia,” he said. “Then if Croatia joins, it will make things difficult for Serbia, and then Serbia will block Kosovo. As a result of this dispute, the whole region can take a step back.”

    Here in Obrezje, Slovenia, and across the room in Bregana, Croatia, the battle over land has fanned strong emotions. When Yugoslavia was dissolved in 1991, a border was erected along a meandering stream, formalizing the division between the towns.

    Today, some Croats still dine at Kalin, but Mr. Kalin lamented that freshly resurgent nationalism was keeping many people away — along with the nuisance of having to show their passports every time they crossed the border.

    On a rainy afternoon, two bored border guards from Slovenia sat outside the restaurant. They could smell the roast pork inside but dared not enter.

    “We never go to eat there,” said one, declining to give his name. “If we did, we might accidentally step onto Croatian territory and cause an international incident.”

    An earlier version of this article misspelled the surname of the reporter.

    Eugene Brcic contributed reporting from Zagreb, Croatia.


    Quelle: New York Times 23.03.2009
    hehe was für ein Schwachsinn,ich meine den Grenzstreit

  3. #3
    Emir
    Slowenen halt, ich denke mal wenn es einen Krieg geben würde zwischen HR und SLO (was sehr sehr unwahrscheinlich ist ) würd ich freiwillig in die HR Armee gehen!

    Die pissen mich so an!!!!!

  4. #4
    Avatar von Yugovich

    Registriert seit
    21.03.2009
    Beiträge
    275
    Würden beide Seiten wirklich eine Lösung finden wollen, hätten sie diese schon längst.

    Die Verantwortlichen sollte man in einen dunklen Raum sperren, ohne Essen und Wasser und erst dann rauslassen wenn sie sich geeinigt haben; nämlich in der Form, dass keine Seite einen Vorteil oder gravierenden Nachteil davon hat. Wenn man in einem Gebiet etwas hergibt, bekommt man dafür anderswo etwas zurück.

    Was für ein Kindergarten. Kein Wunder, dass auch sonst nix vorangeht im Verhältnis zwischen den Balkanstaaten.

  5. #5

    Registriert seit
    18.03.2008
    Beiträge
    20.935
    Zitat Zitat von Emir88 Beitrag anzeigen
    Slowenen halt, ich denke mal wenn es einen Krieg geben würde zwischen HR und SLO (was sehr sehr unwahrscheinlich ist ) würd ich freiwillig in die HR Armee gehen!

    Die pissen mich so an!!!!!
    Was hast du gegen die Slowenen?

  6. #6
    Vukovarac
    Zitat Zitat von Mastakilla Beitrag anzeigen
    Was hast du gegen die Slowenen?
    .....ich glaube nix wirkungsvolles

  7. #7
    Avatar von Caesarion

    Registriert seit
    17.08.2008
    Beiträge
    7.453
    Woher kommt eigentlich dieser Streit? "NEIN ICH BIN SLAWISCHER!!", oder was?

  8. #8
    Avatar von Livnjak

    Registriert seit
    12.03.2009
    Beiträge
    558
    Zitat Zitat von GrEeKStYlE Beitrag anzeigen
    Woher kommt eigentlich dieser Streit? "NEIN ICH BIN SLAWISCHER!!", oder was?
    Nee, eher: "Nein, die 3m² Land sind UNSER!"

  9. #9
    Šaban
    Zitat Zitat von Livnjak Beitrag anzeigen
    Nee, eher: "Nein, die 3m² Land sind UNSER!"
    wird auch so bleiben

  10. #10
    Avatar von Livnjak

    Registriert seit
    12.03.2009
    Beiträge
    558
    Zitat Zitat von Šaban Beitrag anzeigen
    wird auch so bleiben
    Sehe ich auch so. Aber aus einem distanzierterem Blickwinkel enthält dieser Streit doch eine gewisse Komik wie ich finde.

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