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Wikileaks: Gute und schlechte Bosniaken

Erstellt von Emir, 11.12.2010, 00:47 Uhr · 5 Antworten · 1.488 Aufrufe

  1. #1
    Emir

    Wikileaks: Gute und schlechte Bosniaken

    Iz američkog veleposlanstva u Sarajevu u Washington je 27. januara 2009. godine poslano izvješće o stanju u Bosni i Hercegovini. U izvješćima, koja je objavio WikiLeaks, se spominje politička atmosfera među Bošnjacima.
    Tako piše kako su se bošnjački lideri podijelili zbog mišljenja tko je bolji zaštitnik Bošnjaka. U izvještaju stoji kako je nastala podjela na"dobre Bošnjake", one koji zastupaju konzervativne političke i vjerske ideale, dok su "loši" oni koji su umjereni.
    U izvještaju WikiLeaksa, koje potpisuje otpravnica poslova američkog veleposlanstva Judith Cefkin, stoji kako su nastale i podjele zbog krtitika na Islamsku zajednicu i Mustafu Cerića i njegovih izjava o islamofobiji u BiH. Navodi se i da je Dnevni avaz zaslužan za promociju ''dobrih Bošnjaka'' te usmjeravanje na konzervativniji smijer, kao i njegova obrana Cerićevih postupaka.
    Navodi se i strah od izoliranosti kod Bošnjaka zbog težnji Hrvata i Srba, a bivši član Predsjedništva BiH Haris Silajdžić se navodi kao najveći zagovaratelj ugroženosti Bošnjaka zbog tih težnji, te ih je, kako se navodi, najčešće 'podgrijavao'. Uz njega, kao isti zagovaratelji spomninju se i Sulejman Tihić te Zlatko Lagumdžija, koji su činili isto.
    Reis Cerić se spomnije kao promotor bošnjačke žrtve, te se navode njegove tvrdnje o širenju islamofobije putem medija u BiH što je priprema za novi genocid nad muslimanima. Spominje se i 'nedodirljivost' Islamske zajednice, koja svaki napad na sebe vidi kao napad na islam. Tako se spominju napisi sarajevskog Oslobođenje o Reisovoj rezidenciji te njegov odgovor na to kako je riječ o antiislamskom djelovanju i brisanju islama s lica Zemlje.
    Spominje se i Djed Mraz u sarajevskim vrtićima te Fahrudin Radončić te njegova politika protiv ''neprijatelja islama'' te Avazovo svojevrsno proglašenje Cerića jedinim pravim predstavnikom Bošnjaka.
    - U pesimističnoj atmosferi, stvorenoj i potaknutoj nedostatkom političkog ili gospodarskog napretka u zemlji, inzistiranje na važnosti biti pravi Bošnjak se shvaća i kao politički alat, stoji u izvještaju.
    Dodaje se kako je lako povjerovati da dolazi do sve većeg nacionalizma među bh Srbima i, u manjoj mjeri, bh Hrvatima.
    - Bošnjački političari bi mogli krenuti konzervativnom putanjom, a rezultat ove međubošnjačke debate će se vjerojatno duže čekati, no njegov ishod će gotovo sigurno oblikovati javno mišljenje o tome tko je sposoban govoriti u ime Bošnjaka, etničke skupine čiji identitet još nije izgrađen, stoji u izvještaju.
    - Sve tri strane se povlače na etničke temelje politike, pa izgledi za kompromise u bh budućnosti nisu baš sjajni, napisano je.


    WikiLeaks: Dobri i lo


    Classified By: Ambassador Charles English for reasons 1.4 (b) and (d).
    ¶1. (S/NF) The emergence of a new Bosniak party, led by the
    powerful, reportedly corrupt, and sometimes vindictive media
    mogul Fahrudin Radoncic, is likely to create further rifts in
    the Bosniak political scene, particularly amid the campaign
    for the October 2010 general elections. Radoncic has the
    support of the leader of the Islamic community. Also,
    Radoncic's ownership and direct control of the most
    widely-read daily newspaper in Bosnia will ensure that his
    campaign message is well propagated. Radoncic's reputation
    for questionable business ventures with partners from across
    the political spectrum, combined with his likely desire for
    influence over the judiciary to escape prosecution for
    corruption, suggests that he will seek political alliances
    based on lucrative personal prospects, rather than ideology
    or even ethnic affiliation. Although it is too early to make
    concrete predictions, Radoncic's party is poised to capture
    votes primarily from Haris Silajdzic's Party for BiH (SBiH),
    as well as a wide swath of apathetic voters allured by his
    pledges to fix the economy. End summary.
    The Man, the Legend
    -------------------
    ¶2. (C) Fahrudin Radoncic rose from relative poverty and
    obscurity after the 1992-95 BiH war to become the founder and
    owner of Bosnia's leading publishing company, Avaz
    Publishing. This company is known especially for its
    production of the country's highest-circulation daily
    newspaper, Dnevni Avaz, but also for a small television news
    show and a number of widely-read magazines, such as Global.
    The success of Avaz has given Radoncic significant control of
    the Bosniak media. Avaz therefore has proven a powerful tool
    against Radoncic's opponents, particularly the police
    authorities investigating his role in corruption scandals.
    Although not a veteran politician himself, Radoncic through
    Avaz has played an active role in politics for over a decade,
    with Bosniak political candidates vying for his media
    support. Candidates whom Avaz endorses for the Bosniak
    member of the Tri-Presidency -- most recently, Party for BiH
    (SBiH) chairman Haris Silajdzic in 2006 -- usually succeed in
    elections. Radoncic also cultivates wide international ties,
    and Sead Numanovic, editor-in-chief of Avaz, is one of the
    most well-connected people in Bosnia.
    The Scandals
    ------------
    ¶3. (S/NF) Radoncic is widely believed to be responsible for
    corrupt business practices, most notably his role in a
    scandal involving the Federation Development Bank (FDB) (ref
    A). Radoncic admitted to having hired Ramiz Dzaferovic --
    SDA member, director of the FDB -- to conduct an audit of
    Avaz through Dzaferovic's personal audit company. At the
    same time, Dzaferovic through the FDB gave Radoncic a loan of
    KM 22.5 million -- which the FDB had allocated for
    agriculture -- for the construction of Radoncic's Avaz Tower
    in Sarajevo. Separately, local media recently reported
    alleged ties between Radoncic and international drug dealer
    Kelmendi, which led Radoncic to launch a full-scale attack in
    the pages of Avaz against the police officials working on
    that case. Also, staff of the Office of the High
    Representative (OHR) recently linked Radoncic to an
    international money laundering scheme. This allegation,
    which was leaked to the press, sparked a smear campaign in
    Avaz against the Principal Deputy High Representative, a
    State Department employee on detail to OHR, somewhat belying
    Radoncic's claims that one of his priorities will be to
    SARAJEVO 00000134 002 OF 004
    cooperate with the international community.
    The Entree into Politics
    ------------------------
    ¶4. (C) In September 2009, Radoncic launched a new Bosniak
    political party, the Alliance for a Better Future of BiH
    (SBB-BiH) (ref B). Radoncic is almost certainly seeking
    political status in order to secure protection from the
    investigation of his illegal business deals by wielding
    government influence over the judiciary. Moreover, now may
    be a personally appealing time for Radoncic to enter
    politics, as media outlets besides Avaz indicate that
    Radoncic's business is struggling and that Avaz's chief rival
    daily newspaper, Oslobodjenje, is rapidly catching up to Avaz
    in its sales. This suggests that the pragmatic Radoncic is
    entering the political scene to seek lucrative deals wherever
    he can find them, rather than choosing partners based on
    ideology or even ethnic affiliation. This approach would
    make him an appealing ally for Republika Srpska (RS) Prime
    Minister Milorad Dodik, who also dabbles in business and is
    himself under investigation for corruption. Dodik therefore
    may see Radoncic as his ideal Bosniak interlocutor. Indeed,
    Radoncic told the DCM in January that he has met with Dodik,
    as well as Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ)-BiH President
    Dragan Covic -- who has been indicted for corruption and is
    forging a closer relationship with Dodik (septel) -- and has
    a good relationship with both men. Moreover, the fact that
    Avaz has kept mostly quiet on the very issue that it could
    use to galvanize the Bosniak populace ahead of the election
    -- rhetoric on a referendum in the RS -- has led to
    speculation that discussions on a partnership between Dodik
    and Radoncic may already be underway.
    The Setbacks
    ------------
    ¶5. (S/NF) Despite any possible musings of a deal with Dodik,
    SBB-BiH appears to be off to a rocky start. Initial polls
    suggest that the party has a small following, and Radoncic
    has yet to attract any well-known personalities to join his
    party. His most notable party member besides himself is
    former state-level PM and former SDA member Adnan Terzic,
    although Terzic's following within SDA was tenuous at best
    when he left the party. The other big name in SBB-BiH is
    Haris Basic, a former SDA member whom the Council of
    Ministers suspended as director of the Foreign Investment
    Promotion Agency (FIPA) due to the BiH Court's indictment
    against him for illegally issuing transport licenses.
    Radoncic also has not yet managed to form a founding party
    congress despite the high attendance at his kickoff rallies
    in Sarajevo, Tuzla, Zenica, and elsewhere. Also, Radoncic --
    whose family is rom the Sandzak region in Serbia -- carries
    a stong "Sandzak" accent when he speaks, which is anathma
    to many Bosnians. Moreover, he lacks persona charisma and
    is generally uncomfortable and awkard with interlocutors who
    are unfamiliar to him.
    The Weapons
    -----------
    ¶6. (S/NF) Despite these initial setbacks, Radoncic's
    expectations for electoral success are high. Through public
    hearings conducted by the BiH parliamentary working group on
    changes to the election law, Radoncic in January proposed an
    increase in the threshold for a party's representation in
    Parliament from three to five percent at the state and entity
    level. The parliamentary working group on changes to the
    election law rejected his proposal. Radoncic's most powerful
    weapon during the elections will be Avaz, and he already is
    using it as an advertising venue for his party. The economy,
    a major concern for Bosniak voters, is one of Avaz's key
    pre-election themes, as well as the incompetence of BiH's
    current leadership, particularly Bosniak tri-Presidency
    member Haris Silajdzic. Amid the country-wide economic
    crisis, these messages may well resonate with apathetic
    Bosniak voters. Indeed, Terzic told the DCM that this is one
    of SBB-BiH's key target groups in the election campaign.
    The SBiH Political Vacuum
    -------------------------
    SARAJEVO 00000134 003 OF 004
    ¶7. (C) Radoncic's entree into the Bosniak political scene
    will most likely come at the expense of the deteriorating
    SBiH. SBiH garnered poor results in the 2008 municipal
    elections, and our SBiH contacts continue to tell us of the
    disgruntlement within the party with Silajdzic's poor
    leadership. Bakir Izetbegovic, who is a friend of Silajdzic,
    has suggested to us that Silajdzic may in fact be preparing
    to leave the political scene. Moreover, the Islamic
    community, which had previously endorsed Silajdzic, now
    supports Radoncic at the expense of SBiH. Avaz consistently
    maligns Silajdzic, calling him a "lying President" and a
    "mafia godfather" who steals from the poor. Radoncic also is
    seeking to fill Silajdzic's self-proclaimed role as the key
    Bosniak interlocutor with the USG. For example, his visit to
    Washington in February to attend the prayer breakfast, as
    well as his speech at the U.S. Institute of Peace, received
    widespread press throughout BiH, dwarfing that of the other
    BiH attendees.
    The Boost from the Islamic Community
    ------------------------------------
    ¶8. (S/NF) Silajdzic's victory in the 2006 presidential race
    stemmed from the same sources Radoncic has at his disposal --
    Dnevni Avaz and Islamic community head Reis-ul-ulema Mustafa
    Ceric, whom Avaz quoted almost daily in the run-up to the
    2006 elections and who was seen with Silajdzic at a number of
    important Islamic events (ref C). Although Radoncic is not
    at all devout, he and Reis Ceric have enjoyed a close
    relationship for over a year, most likely tied to Radoncic's
    gift of one million KM (approximately 714,000 USD) for the
    construction of the Reis's headquarters and residence in
    Sarajevo. Additionally, Reis Ceric is the only public figure
    whom Avaz has never criticized. Avaz regularly features the
    Reis on the front page, reports on his travels, and mocks
    media outlets that criticize him. Avaz even posited a
    "different interpretation" of the conviction in February 2009
    of an imam in Travnik on charges of pedophilia (ref D).
    Radoncic openly echoes the Reis's outcry against
    "Islamophobia" (ref E), most recently attacking former
    editor-in-chief of Federation TV (FTV) Duska Jurisic, who
    reported on Radoncic's role in the FDB scandal. Radoncic
    stated that "we cannot permit a person who is not Muslim to
    be an editor in our Islamic community." Any overt
    endorsements by Reis Ceric of Radoncic's party would give
    Radoncic a boost among religious voters who see Tihic as
    overly secular; conversely, Radoncic can revel in his
    irreverent understanding of Islam if he so chooses. SDA
    Deputy President Asim Sarajlic told us that he overheard the
    Reis tell Radoncic at a reception, "People need to see you at
    mosque," to which Radoncic allegedly replied, "But Reis, I
    don't know any prayers!" Later, in a theatrical aside during
    a lunch with DCM, Radoncic held his wine glass aloft and said
    "I can't support radical Islam: I would be their first
    victim!"
    The Hurdle: SDA
    ---------------
    ¶9. (C) Although it is too early to make concrete
    predictions, at this point it seems that even with the
    support of the Islamic community, Radoncic will be unlikely
    to make great gains in these elections at the expense of SDA.
    SDA has a well-established voting base, particularly in
    rural and semi-urban areas. Bosniaks considered SDA and its
    first President, Alija Izetbegovic, the protectors of their
    people during the war, and the limited success of splinter
    parties like SBiH in recent elections suggests that Bosniaks
    choose established parties over charismatic new leaders when
    they feel threatened (ref F). Even with SBiH's
    Tri-Presidency victory in 2006, SDA remained the largest
    Bosniak party, capturing more seats in both Federation and
    state legislatures than SBiH. Moreover, although Radoncic
    wields significant media power, he relies on SDA for
    financial support, due to SDA's connections with the FDB.
    Avaz treats Tihic with caution -- including by sidelining
    Tihic's repeated, direct attacks on Radoncic -- suggesting
    that Radoncic recognizes the risk in burning bridges with the
    most powerful Bosniak party.
    SARAJEVO 00000134 004 OF 004
    The Impact: Fractious Bosniak Politics
    --------------------------------------
    ¶10. (S/NF) Although Radoncic treads carefully with SDA, he
    bears a longstanding animosity with the other major
    Federation-based party, the Social Democratic Party (SDP),
    stemming largely from his personal dislike of party President
    Zlatko Lagumdzija. However, Radoncic -- genuinely shocking
    Avaz editor Numanovic, who was also present -- told the DCM
    in January that he had recently met with Lagumdzija for over
    two hours to discuss a possible post-election coalition,
    which he may see as a means of sidelining SDA. Nonetheless,
    Avaz's consistent disparaging of Lagumdzija and Silajdzic --
    as well as Radoncic's ties to the Reis, who also is on the
    outs with both men -- makes it less likely that either party
    will want to work with Radoncic before or after the
    elections. These inflammatory comments are likely to
    increase as the year progresses, which will contribute to a
    Bosniak campaign that may well be based more on personal
    attacks than on any potentially unifying issue. A strong
    showing for Radoncic in the elections would put him in a
    position to negotiate a place in a post-election coalition.
    Even if Radoncic serves in opposition, he will become one
    more strong personality in Bosniak politics that could
    undermine initiatives from moderate Bosniak parties.
    Moreover, Radoncic is powerful, due to his business ties and
    the strong influence of Avaz. He may be able to seriously
    damage any party inside or outside the coalition that
    challenges him. As the economic crisis shows no signs of
    abating, Radoncic could become a greater force, given the
    hide-bound lethargy and backward-looking politics of many of
    his Bosniak opponents.
    Comment
    -------
    ¶11. (S/NF) The collapse of the Prud process (ref G), the
    political and economic woes in the Federation (ref H), and
    the battle over the mayor of Mostar (ref I) are recent
    examples of the extent to which fractious Bosniak politics
    contribute to paralysis at the state and Federation level.
    Tihic's attempts to shore up the state have been held in
    check by opposition on his right flank -- Silajdzic, the
    Islamic community, and even Lagumdzija, who sees it as his
    duty as opposition leader to oppose any initiative the ruling
    coalition supports. If Radoncic succeeds in establishing a
    foothold in a new government, Tihic will face a more
    difficult battle in securing a unified Bosniak response to
    anti-state behavior from the RS and in taking a constructive
    approach to such initiatives as constitutional reform.
    Moreover, an alliance between Radoncic and Dodik, perceived
    as two of the country's more corrupt leaders, would send a
    very discouraging message to those in Bosnia and Herzegovina
    who are seeking the rule of law, especially the Bosniak
    intellectual elite.
    Comment Cont'd
    --------------
    ¶12. (S/NF) At the same time -- however distasteful it may be
    to us or others -- if Radoncic and gains enough authority
    through the October 2010 elections to join a ruling coalition
    at the state or Federation level, his comparative lack of
    discord with RS leaders and pragmatic approach on issues
    ranging from economic development to constitutional reform
    and Euro-Atlantic integration could perhaps contribute to a
    more peaceful political situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina
    over the near term.
    Classified By: DCM Judith Cefkin, for reasons 1.4 (b) and (d).
    ¶1. (C) SUMMARY: Amid resurgence over the past two years of
    politics dogged by nationalist rhetoric, some Bosniak
    (Muslim) political actors have sought to portray themselves
    as more capable of protecting Bosniak interests than their
    opponents. One aspect of this tussle is an
    increasingly-visible rift in the Bosniak community that
    centers on what it means to be a "good" or "bad" Bosniak.
    "Good Bosniaks," according to this sentiment, are those who
    espouse conservative political and religious ideals. More
    moderate and secular ideals are, by implication, held by "bad
    Bosniaks." Statements from the Islamic Community,
    particularly its leader, Reis Ceric, that label those who
    criticize Islamic Community as "Islamophobic" have sharpened
    this polarization among Bosniaks. Bosnia's
    largest-circulation and most influential pro-Bosniak daily,
    Dnevni Avaz, has also increasingly championed "good Bosniak"
    causes and unscrupulously attacked Bosniaks and Bosniak
    institutions (including a rival, more secular Bosniak daily)
    that disagree with it. This press war, sparked largely by
    Avaz's business interests, has helped the intra-Bosniak
    debate gain traction more quickly and more broadly than it
    might otherwise. Depending on the path the debate takes, it
    has the potential, over the longer-term, to steer Bosniak
    politics in a more conservative direction, which would
    complicate efforts to forge the compromises among Bosniaks,
    Serbs, and Croats necessary to secure Bosnia's future. END
    SUMMARY.
    Protectors of Bosniak
    ---------------------
    ¶2. (C) In a time of international reluctance to engage
    heavily in Bosnia -- coupled with Bosnian Serb and Croat
    attempts to establish maximal autonomy for themselves --
    Bosniak fears of isolation and abandonment have escalated.
    The perception of the risks to the Bosniak community among
    average Bosniaks is genuine, grounded largely in the fact
    that Bosniaks were the most aggrieved ethnic group during the
    1992-95 war and that their plight was ignored by the
    international community. Reflecting these fears, many
    Bosniak political leaders over the past two years have
    campaigned on the idea that they are better able to protect
    Bosniak interests than their rivals. At the same time, they
    have framed debate on specific policies within their Bosniak
    constituency in existential terms. Bosniak member of the
    Tri-Presidency Haris Silajdzic has been the Bosniak political
    leader most willing to appeal to these fears -- in fact, he
    has often deliberately stoked them -) but others, including
    Party for Democratic Action President Sulejman Tihic and
    Social Democratic Party leader Zlatko Lagumdzija at times
    have also done so.
    Reis Ceric Helps Mold Bosniak Identity
    --------------------------------------
    ¶3. (C) At the same time, the Head of the Islamic Community,
    Reis Ceric, has sought to promote a Bosniak political
    identity rooted in "victimization." He has regularly
    reminded Bosniaks that they are victims of genocide and that
    they suffered more than any other group in the 1992-95 war.
    In a Hayat TV interview on January 11, the Reis claimed that
    following the break-up of the Ottoman Empire, Bosnian Muslims
    had been variously subjected to "phobias" against Turkey,
    Islam, and Bosnia itself. He also alleged that media
    coverage of the alleged threat of Islamic terrorism in Bosnia
    is, itself, motivated by "Islamophobic" media and "is, in a
    way, a preparation for a new genocide on Bosniaks." The Reis
    has, by all accounts, succumbed to the political fray,
    criticizing or praising Bosniak leaders as he feels
    appropriate. His public comments about Bosniak identity and
    Bosniak suffering have clearly been aimed at shaping Bosniak
    political discourse as well as the positions adopted by the
    country's leading Bosniak political parties.
    ¶4. (C) The Reis has also sought to define Bosniak identity in
    religious terms and has publicly implied that to be a "good
    Bosniak" one must be a "good Muslim." He has supported
    policies that are controversial among more secular Bosniaks,
    such as introducing religious education into kindergarten
    classes. Ceric has also made use of his public profile and
    media access to attack critics of his agenda, often implying
    that his position places him above criticism. In one
    SARAJEVO 00000103 002.3 OF 003
    interview, Ceric claimed that while he personally welcomed
    constructive criticism, criticism of Islam itself was
    impermissible. (Note: Ceric clearly intends to be the sole
    judge of when criticism of him or his administration becomes
    a criticism of Islam. His past responses to other critics
    inside and outside the Islamic Community suggest as much.
    End Note.)
    "Islamophobes" are Everywhere
    -----------------------------
    ¶5. (C) The Islamic Community has increasingly condemned
    attacks against itself as anti-Islamic, and as undermining
    Bosniaks in Bosnia. A November op-ed in the Sarajevo-based
    daily Oslobodjenje touched on some controversial projects
    undertaken by the Islamic Community, particularly the Reis'
    new offices -- now under construction -- which are rumored to
    be extremely costly. The article also criticized the Reis,
    as the head of the Islamic Community. In response, the
    Islamic Community was quick to demonize its critics and imply
    that their opposition made them "bad Bosniaks." An Islamic
    Community statement declared the paper's stance to be,
    "...nothing but a continuation of the genocidal politics
    designed to wipe the BiH Muslim off the face of the Earth...
    the Reis' office is very much surprised by the Islamophobic
    editorial policy of Oslobodjenje." (Note: Ceric and the
    Islamic Community may be using the "heavy artillery" of
    insinuating Islamophobia to defend a weak spot, specifically,
    the widespread perception that his administration has been
    fiscally irresponsible. End Note.)
    Santa Claus Didn't Come to Town
    -------------------------------
    ¶6. (SBU) Even Bosniak children are not immune to political
    efforts to shape the Bosniak identity. There has been a push
    to introduce Islamic religious education in all
    kindergartens, a move that one respected professor (known to
    be an outspoken critic of the Reis) from the Faculty of
    Islamic Sciences defined as a "crime against children."
    Similarly, the director of Sarajevo's state-funded preschools
    attempted to ban Djeda Mraz (Grandfather Frost) in 2007,
    arguing that Sarajevo is predominantly Muslim and that Djeda
    Mraz is not part of the Muslim tradition. (Note: Modeled on
    Santa Claus, Djeda Mraz emerged in Yugoslavia after World War
    II as a secular figure who gave gifts to children of all
    religions. End Note) Secular-minded Sarajevo citizens saw the
    snubbing of Djeda Mraz as an attempt to define for children
    what it means to be "good" Muslims and organized protests and
    petitions against the proposed ban. The outrage of Sarajevo
    citizens was best captured in the editorial comment of FTV's
    news program 60 Minutes. The show's host, Bakir
    Hadziomerovic, characterized the director of the public
    institution "Children of Sarajevo," Razija Mahmutovic, as the
    fiercest opponent of Djeda Mraz. Taking on an ironic tone,
    Hadziomerovic sarcastically proposed that Mahmutovic
    introduce the figure of "Santa Alija," in reference to the
    elder Izetbegovic. In both cases mentioned here (early
    religious education and banning of Djeda Mraz), the secular
    position lost out.
    Popular Paper Religiously Pursues Bosniak Interests
    --------------------------------------------- ------
    ¶7. (SBU) The definition of a "good Bosniak" as one who is
    politically and religiously conservative has also been
    increasingly propagated by the country's largest-circulation,
    pro-Bosniak daily, Dnevni Avaz. Over the past several
    months, Fahrud Radoncic, owner of Avaz and its associated
    businesses, has engaged in a crusade to "protect Bosniak
    interests," primarily as part of an effort to undercut its
    opponent, the more secular Oslobodjenje. While Avaz and
    Oslobodjenje have had a long-running rivalry centered more on
    business competition than ideology, Radoncic's recent
    statements represent a clear raising of the stakes. In a TV
    interview on November 30, Radoncic accused his opponents --
    including a number of media outlets -- of "destroying
    Bosniaks" through attacks on, as he put it, the three key
    pillars of Muslim faith in Bosnia: the Islamic Community and
    Reis Ceric; the memory of Alija Izetbegovic, as personified
    by his son Bakir; and Avaz itself. On December 30, Avaz
    labeled Ceric a true representative of the Bosniak people,
    adding "...those who attack Reis Ceric would like to see a
    situation like before, when the state was appointing the Reis
    SARAJEVO 00000103 003.2 OF 003
    so that he would listen to the state, thus destroying the
    institution of Islam and the Islamic Community."
    ¶8. (C) Radoncic has also not shied away from exploiting his
    position as owner to influence how Avaz presents issues. The
    December 29 edition of Avaz carried a front page article that
    slammed those who opposed the construction of a new
    administrative building for the Islamic Community and
    accusing them of seeking to put the Islamic Community under
    their political control, to diminish its power, or to destroy
    it. Avaz plainly misrepresented facts related to the
    project, and made use of extensive purple prose in negatively
    characterizing opposition to the project. The following day,
    Avaz continued its offensive against "the enemies of Islam"
    with a full-page interview with Enver Imamovic, a professor
    of history at the Philosophy Faculty in Sarajevo. Imamovic
    condemned public attacks against the Islamic Community and
    Reis Ceric, declaring, "Let us not forget what the Islamic
    Community meant to our people in the past war. This was the
    institution around which Bosniak people gathered."
    Comment
    -------
    ¶9. (C) In an atmosphere of pessimism, created and fueled by a
    lack of political or economic progress in the country,
    insisting on the importance of being a proper Bosniak is
    gaining momentum as a political tool. Lending credence to,
    and most likely feeding, this discourse is increasingly
    audacious nationalism among Bosnian Serbs and, to a lesser
    extent, Bosnian Croats. A growing fear of isolation appears
    to be providing fodder for political actors, which they can
    exploit to urge Bosniaks to rally around their leadership and
    agenda, which some politicians, the Reis and the opportunist
    Radoncic, have sought to define in conservative and more
    religious terms. Depending on how this debate plays out,
    Bosniaks politics could take an increasingly conservative
    political trajectory. The outcome of this intra-Bosniak
    debate will likely take considerable time to play out, but
    its outcome will almost certainly shape public perceptions of
    who is fit to lead and to speak for Bosniaks, an ethnic group
    whose sense of identity is still in flux. With all three
    sides of the ethnic divide retreating to ethnic-based
    politics, the prospects of compromises necessary for Bosnia's
    future become much dimmer.

  2. #2
    Emir
    Moreover, an alliance between Radoncic and Dodik, perceived
    as two of the country's more corrupt leaders, would send a
    very discouraging message to those in Bosnia and Herzegovina
    who are seeking the rule of law, especially the Bosniak
    intellectual elite.

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    Povodom objavljivanja dokumenata na internet-portalu VikiLiks u kojoj se, među stotinama hiljada ljudi, otkriva i depeša o Fahrudinu Radončiću, pres-služba SBB BiH izdala je sljedeće saopštenje koje prenosimo u cjelosti!
    "Tragikomično je dokle seže fašizam bivše Bušove administracije, jer se na osnovu tajnih depeša vidi da za bivšu američku administraciju na cijeloj planeti ne postoji niti jedna pozitivna ličnost.
    Još je žalosnije da se u konkretnom slučaju Fahrudina Radončića u crvenoj depeši stalno kriminalizira i to formulacijom „kako navode mediji“! Naravno, nigdje se potom ne konstatuje činjenica da je Radončić sve te medije dobio na sudu zbog širenja kleveta o njemu.
    SBB BiH se raduje da su februarske prognoze bivšeg američkog ambasadora o našem izbornom rezultatu, koji se ispostavio odličnim, bile potpuno pogrešne i zlonamjerne, a jednako se radujemo i završnoj konstataciji u depeši da bi naš dobar izborni rezultat možda i pomogao smirivanju političke situacije u zemlji.
    Na kraju, stil i jezik u depeši otkrivaju primitivni i mahalaški rječnik bivšeg ambasadora Ingliša koji se čak bavi i Radončićevim akcentom.
    Cijelu aferu SBB BiH stoga posmatra kao nastavak polemike i osvete zbog naše kritike umobolne politike Rafija Gregorijana, koji je na kraju zajedno sa Inglišom završio na način da su obojica nestali iz diplomatije.
    SBB BiH duboko respektuje dobijeno pojašnjenje da tadašnje depeše ne predstavljaju sadašnja stajališta američke diplomatije", navodi se u saopštenju.

    http://www.ljiljan.ba/bs/vijesti/rad...i-fa%C5%A1izam!

  3. #3
    Avatar von Koma

    Registriert seit
    01.01.2007
    Beiträge
    21.136
    sbb bih ist eh fürn arsch

    genauso wie dieser coban radoncic

  4. #4
    Avatar von DZEKO

    Registriert seit
    09.08.2009
    Beiträge
    55.023
    Würden die Bosniaken besser zusammen halten, joj.

  5. #5
    Emir
    Zitat Zitat von DZEKO Beitrag anzeigen
    Würden die Bosniaken besser zusammen halten, joj.
    Za covjeka und net sam za .. ^^

  6. #6
    Emir
    Reis Cerić promotor bošnjačke žrtve,Silajdžić najveći zagovaratelj ugroženosti Bošnjaka

    Iz američkog veleposlanstva u Sarajevu u Washington je 27. siječnja 2009. godine poslano izvješće o stanju u Bosni i Hercegovini. U izvješćima, koja je objavio WikiLeaks, se spominje politička atmosfera među Bošnjacima.

    Tako piše kako su se bošnjački lideri podijelili zbog mišljenja tko je bolji zaštitnik Bošnjaka. U izvještću stoji kako je nastala podjela na ''dobre Bošnjake'', one koji zastupaju konzervativne političke i vjerske ideale, dok su ''loši'' oni koji su umjereni.

    U izvještaju WikiLeaksa, koje potpisuje otpravnica poslova američkog veleposlanstva Judith Cefkin, stoji kako su nastale i podjele zbog krtitika na Islamsku zajednicu i Mustafu Cerića i njegovih izjava o islamofobiji u BiH. Navodi se i da je Dnevni avaz zaslužan za promociju ''dobrih Bošnjaka'' te usmjeravanje na konzervativniji smijer, kao i njegova obrana Cerićevih postupaka.

    Navodi se i strah od izoliranosti kod Bošnjaka zbog težnji Hrvata i Srba, a bivši član Predsjedništva BiH Haris Silajdžić se navodi kao najveći zagovaratelj ugroženosti Bošnjaka zbog tih težnji, te ih je, kako se navodi, najčešće 'podgrijavao'. Uz njega, kao isti zagovaratelji spomninju se i Sulejman Tihić te Zlatko Lagumdžija, koji su činili isto.

    Reis Cerić se spomnije kao promotor bošnjačke žrtve, te se navode njegove tvrdnje o širenju islamofobije putem medija u BiH što je priprema za novi genocid nad muslimanima. Spominje se i 'nedodirljivost' Islamske zajednice, koja svaki napad na sebe vidi kao napad na islam. Tako se spominju napisi sarajevskog Oslobođenje o Reisovoj rezidenciji te njegov odgovor na to kako je riječ o antiislamskom djelovanju i brisanju islama s lica Zemlje.

    Spominje se i Djed Mraz u sarajevskim vrtićima te Fahrudin Radončić te njegova politika protiv ''neprijatelja islama'' te Avazovo svojevrsno proglašenje Cerića jedinim pravim predstavnikom Bošnjaka.

    - U pesimističnoj atmosferi, stvorenoj i potaknutoj nedostatkom političkog ili gospodarskog napretka u zemlji, inzistiranje na važnosti biti pravi Bošnjak se shvaća i kao politički alat, stoji u izvještaju.

    Dodaje se kako je lako povjerovati da dolazi do sve većeg nacionalizma među bh Srbima i, u manjoj mjeri, bh Hrvatima.

    - Bošnjački političari bi mogli krenuti konzervativnom putanjom, a rezultat ove međubošnjačke debate će se vjerojatno duže čekati, no njegov ishod će gotovo sigurno oblikovati javno mišljenje o tome tko je sposoban govoriti u ime Bošnjaka, etničke skupine čiji identitet još nije izgrađen, stoji u izvještaju.

    - Sve tri strane se povlače na etničke temelje politike, pa izgledi za kompromise u bh budućnosti nisu baš sjajni, napisano je.
    Reis Ceri

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